Friday, March 28, 2025

A Tale of Two Toogoods. Part 1: William and Alfred.


William Toogood and his brother Alfred became well known in the Sydney during the middle years of the nineteenth century as publicans and wine and spirit merchants. 

William Toogood was an eighteen-year-old ribbon weaver when he was sentenced to transportation for life in 1822. He arrived in Sydney in March 1823, but little is known of his early years in the colony. Initially assigned briefly to Dr. William Cowper, in 1831 he was listed as one of a group of theatrical performers who were still at Emu Plains (the Government farm) awaiting reassignment. [1] In the event William was granted a ticket of leave in October 1831 and was thus able to work for himself in Sydney.[2] In 1832 he married Ellen O’Brien.[3]

The next encounter with William is at the Rose and Crown at the corner of King and Castlereagh Streets. In May 1835 he announces that he has opened ‘the large room adjoining Mr. Sandwell’s hotel’ as a ‘Saloon for dinners and refreshments, tea, coffee, etc’ where patrons can enjoy ‘soups and curries of every description, together with all kinds of Indian preparations in the best style and on the shortest notice’.[4] What William knew about providing dinners and refreshments is questionable. Perhaps he had worked for Sandwell, perhaps Ellen O’Brien provided some expertise, but there is nothing to suggest that William had any appropriate experience. All the more surprising then that in 1838 he should declare himself a restaurateur and open his own restaurant on the opposite corner to the Rose and Crown.[5] Here, at what subsequently became known as the Rainbow Tavern, William was assisted by both his wife and his brother, Alfred.[6]

 Alfred, ten years younger than William, had also been a ribbon weaver in Coventry. In March 1832, aged only 17, he stood trial with six others for ‘unlawfully and riotously assembling, and destroying the house of Josiah Beck’. He had been part of the ‘tumultuous mob’ opposed to the mechanisation of weaving who destroyed the machinery and steam engine which Beck had installed. The judge found him guilty but in consideration of Alfred having been led on by others, he recommended leniency and the final sentence was transportation for life.[7]

 Alfred was sent to Tasmania on board the Georgiana. Details of his assignment there are not known, but by 1837 he was in the service of Mr John Raine and was one of the survivors of the wreck of Raine’s schooner the Schah in December 1837. The ship left Hobart and foundered off what is now known as Shipwreck Beach near Malacoota, in Victoria. It was Alfred who travelled overland to bring the news of its fate and the fortunes of its passengers to Sydney in January 1838.[8]

Was this the first time William had had contact with his brother since 1822? Alfred was a boy of seven when William left Coventry – they must have had much to talk about, but the record is maddeningly silent on such matters.

Although still a convict, Alfred remained in Sydney. He had been assigned to Raine, who drowned in the wreck of the Schah, in Tasmania and did not receive a ticket of leave until 1841.[9] William was granted a conditional pardon in 1838 but this would not normally allow him to have his brother assigned to him.[10] Nonetheless, Alfred was ‘regularly transferred’ to his brother and continued to work with him.[11]

 In May 1840 rumours were circulating that William was intending to ‘build for himself a spacious Hotel in Castlereagh Street’ to the cost of some £4000.[12] In the event William announced at the end of 1840 that he was retiring from his business in the city and the license of the Rainbow Tavern was transferred to James Cunningham. Throughout 1841 William operated a hotel on the Parramatta Road, on the city side of Annandale, while towards, the end of the year, Alfred worked as an assistant to Mr. Cunningham.[13]

 The following year, 1842, was a momentous one for the Toogoods. In March William, at the solicitations of his former patrons, transferred his publicans license from the hotel on Parramatta Road to the ‘new spacious and commodious premises’ erected at the corner of Pitt and King Streets, an establishment he also christened the Rainbow Tavern where he established ‘a restaurant upon his old established principle’ assuring patrons they could enjoy ‘ a very superior and choice assortment of wines and spirits, imported from first rate mercantile houses.’[14] The Australian praised ‘the splendid manner’ in which William had fitted out and decorated his ‘new house’ calling it ‘a pledge of the spirit and zeal with which he means to cater for the good folks in Sydney Town’:

The situation Is excellent, and as far as appearance goes, it reminds us more of a London Tavern or Club-house, than anything yet attempted in the Colony.[15]

The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser was similarly full of praise. Whether the building had in fact cost £4000, it was clear that Toogood had spared no expense, the bar they enthused was ‘fitted up in the first rate style’ with a gin palace fountain and gas fittings, all of local manufacture, and surely William would receive the patronage he deserved.[16] Obviously he was making a financial success of his business ventures. To cap off the year William was granted an absolute pardon in October and was finally free of any obligation for the crime he had committed in his youth.[17]

 It was a busy year for Alfred too. He married Ann Collins, received a conditional pardon and, presumably capitalising on his brother’s good name and using the experience he had gained working for William and James Cunningham, announced he was opening a ‘Chop and Coffee House’ in Pitt Street at the Shakespeare Tavern, Toogood’s Shakespeare Eating House.[18]This venture was short lived. After an initial flurry of advertising in July 1842 the newspapers are silent on its fate. In August 1843, the same month notice of his conditional pardon appeared in the Government Gazette, Alfred was announcing that he was now at the Rainbow Tavern. Here he hoped ‘to continue to receive a share of the public patronage’ thanks to ‘his long standing in society, and his great outlay in taking possession of his present extensive premises, and increasing and improving his stock-in-trade from the first London and Colonial houses’. [19]

 Following all the ins and outs of the Toogood’s fortunes is not easy. While they were consolidating their hotel business William was also using the proceeds to accumulate a property portfolio. As early as 1839 he had purchased a cottage in Kent Street.[20] In 1841 he purchased parcels of land in Dungog and Raymond Terrace.[21] Ploughing profits back into the business, through upgrades and refurbishment, and buying up land would continue to be the modus operandi in the coming years. After twenty and ten years respectively, William and Alfred must have established a web of friendships and associations, but neither arrived in the colony with skills which would automatically guarantee them success, there was little call for ribbon weaving in Sydney town.[22] Whatever education they had received as children they were quick to adapt, well attuned to the opportunities offered in the colonial setting and eager to exploit them. 

To trace what happens next it is simpler to follow each of the brothers individually.



[1] Assigned to William Cowper, Museums of History NSW State Archives (MHNSW-St.Ac.) NRS 12194 [4/4521, p. 086], reel 586; Fiche 747–748, 5 July 1823 (listed as Togood); William came before the magistrates at Parramatta charged with robbery, sentenced to 25 lashes and returned to the government in October 1824. See MHNSW-St.Ac., Index to Col. Sec. Papers 1788­1825, [4/6671], p. 57, reel no 6023, 26 October 1824 (listed as Twogood). MHNSW-St.Ac., NRS-905-1- [4/2102] Index to Colonial Secretary Letters Received, 4/2102 letter number 31/2362, 1 April 1831, William Toogood on list of theatrical performers remaining on the establishment at Emu Plains, John Maxwell to Colonial Secretary. William had been there for four years, see The Australian, 10 February 1827, p. 3. ‘New South Wales No. IV’.

[2] MHNSW-St.Ac., Convicts Index 1791–1873, 4/4081, reel 916, entry no. 31/873. See also Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser (hereafter Sydney Gazette), 15 October 1831, p. 3.

[3] MHNSW-St.Ac.. Convicts Application to Marry, NRS 12212 [4/4512 p. 062], reel 714, Fiche 791–794. 7 September 1832.

[4] Sydney Gazette, 23 May 1835, p. 3. Edward Sandwell ‘late of the most respected tavern in Hollowell [sic] Street, London “The Dog Tavern”’ took over the Rose and Crown from Arthur Hill in 1829 (Sydney Monitor, 30 May 1829, p. 7).

[5] Sydney Monitor, 23 July 1838, p. 2; 8 August 1838, p. 3; 24 September 1838, p. 2. 

[6] See Sydney Monitor, 24 September 1838, p. 2 for Mrs Toogood and Alfred at the restaurant. Also Commercial Journal and Advertiser, 17 October 1838, p. 4. William was granted a license for the Rainbow Tavern in 1839, Sydney Gazette, 30 April 1839, p. 2.

[7] Birmingham Gazette, 26 March 1832, p. 3; Morning Chronicle (London), 27 March 1832, p. 4; Leamington Spa Courier, 27 March 1832, p. 4.

[8] See The Sydney Herald, 15 January 1838, p. 2; Sydney Monitor, 15 January 1838, p. 2. For more on the Schah see http://www.environment.gov.au/shipwreck/public/wreck/wreck.do?key=6594. For John Raine see https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/raine-john-2569.

[9] See MHNSW-St.Ac., Convicts Index 1791-1873, [4/4150; reel 940] entry no. 41/946. Also, Sydney Herald, 26 April 1841, p. 2.

[10] William was granted a Conditional Pardon in February 1838. MHNSW-St.Ac., Convicts Index, 1791-1873, 4/4437, reel 777 p. 075, entry no. 39/288. See also NSW Government Gazette, 23 January 1839, p. 103. 

[11] Sydney Herald, 8 May 1840, p. 2, reporting on Alfred having been taken into custody on suspicion of being illegally on his brother’s premises.

[12] The Colonist, 16 May 1840, p. 2 and Australasian Chronicle, 19 May 1840, p. 2.

[13] MHNSW-St.Ac., Index to 1841 Census NSW; Monitor, 9 April 1841, p. 1. Sydney Gazette, 28 June 1841, has license for Rainbow Tavern in Parramatta Road; Sydney Morning Herald (SMH) 10 September 1841, Cunningham announces Alfred is now engaged by him.

[14] The Australian, 26 February 1842, p. 3 (describes Toogood as ‘well known as a first rate restaurateur’); transfer of license The Australian, 5 March 1842, p. 2; Sydney Herald, 8 April 1842, p. 2 (quote).

[15] The Australian, 9 April 1842, p. 2.

[16] Sydney Gazette, 12 April 1842, p. 2.

[17] MHNSW-St.Ac., 4/4488, reel 800, p. 022., dated 1 October 1842; also 4/4488 reel 800, p. 349–350, entry 43/037, 11 December 1843; NSW Government Gazette, 12 December 1843, p. 1632.

[18] For marriage see NSW Registry of Birth Deaths and Marriages (NSWBDM) index; MHNSW-St.Ac., Conditional Pardon [4/4442; reel 780, p. 275] no. 43/282, 1 July 1842, Government Gazette, 11 August 18443, p. 1022; Shakespeare Tavern Sydney Herald, 6 July 1842, p. 1.

[19] SMH, 26 August p. 1.

[20] The Colonist, 23 November 1839, p. 3.

[21] Sydney Herald, 2 January 1841, p. 4.

[22] William was an office bearer and active member of the Australian Grand Lodge of the Independent Order of Oddfellows, see Australian, 28 September 1842, p. 3; Australian, 7 October 1842, p. 3. In 1848 William is ‘Grand Master of Ceremonies’, Sydney Daily Advertiser, 7 September 1848, p. 4.

Friday, February 28, 2025

Eating Out in Sydney Before 1850.


 In England Eats Out, 1830– present, John Burnett describes the dining scene in London in the 1830s offering ‘a hierarchy of eating places’. The choices ran from ‘humble cook-shops and ‘ordinaries’, to better-class inns, chop-houses and dining rooms, up to a few renowned taverns and hotels’. [1] Burnett suggests an ‘ordinary’ rated higher than a cookshop, although the quality of the food available could vary.[2] In either case diners could expect a table d’hote, that is a set meal, available at the same time every day, and usually eaten at a communal table.[3] A table d’hote or ordinary was also a common feature of many hotels and taverns with the better establishments offering a choice of dishes. A chop house, as the name implies, traditionally specialised in cooked meat but cook shops might also be expected to provide roast joints of meat as well as pies, puddings and pastries. Then as now no doubt potential customers had their own ideas about where they would eat based, as Burnett observes, on their needs and incomes.

 

The terms cook-shop, chop house, table d’hote, ordinary, eating house, inn, tavern and hotel were all in use in Sydney in the 1830s and 1840s and there was certainly a hierarchy of eating establishments. At one end of the spectrum were places said to be little more than brothels, ‘the principal resort of the well-dressed prostitutes and youths of Sydney’, at the other were hotels of ‘the first water’ providing excellent fare where gentlemen could dine in comfort.[4]

 

The first documented ‘Eating and Chop House’ in Sydney was that run by Rosetta Stabler, on Pitt’s Row (now Pitt Street) next to the Yorkshire Grey Hotel. In 1803 Stabler offered her customers an ordinary of ‘victuals dressed in the English way’, promising boiled mutton and broths every day (except Sunday) at 12 and a roasted joint of meat ready by 1 pm.[5] By 1828 The Monitor could report that ‘eating houses and chop houses in Sydney are getting into fashion’ suggesting a trend to eating out which would only develop further as the population grew and more and more businesses established themselves in the city.[6]

 

What distinguished one eating place from another is hard to gauge from the scant material available. Some were the extension of an existing food business, a confectioner’s or pastry cook’s shop for example, or attached to boarding houses where meals were provided to both lodgers and the public.[7] Some were stand-alone, unlicensed eating houses, often styled ‘coffee rooms’.[8] More often than not an eating place was associated with a licensed hotel, and anyone who wanted to provide wine or beer with the food they made available had to obtain a publican’s license.[9] Apart from the restrictions on the service of alcohol – not allowed on Sunday, Good Friday or Christmas Day, and otherwise not after 10 pm – a licensee was required to provide on the licensed premises at least two moderate sized sitting rooms, two sleeping rooms immediately ready for public accommodation, and stabling and feed for six horses. Additional provisions involved patrons having access to suitable conveniences ‘for the use of customers in order to prevent nuisances or offences against decency’, the licensee painting their name on their premises and having a lamp burning over the door from sunset to sunrise every night. In addition, anyone holding a publican’s license could be fined for wilfully or knowingly permitting drunkenness, and for allowing gaming or the association of prostitutes on their premises.[10]

Someone contemplating opening a stand-alone eating establishment needed to do more than hire a competent cook if they also wanted to provide their patrons with alcoholic refreshments. For a licensed hotel a dining room was an expected and obvious attraction to patrons. Most also offered other inducements like billiard tables and the latest newspapers along with a variety of other features such as sitting rooms, meeting rooms, rooms for private meals, and board and lodging. The better eating places were associated with the better hotels, distinguished by their superior décor, cleanliness and comfort. Recognised for the quality, quantity and variety of food they provided these were well managed establishments which could guarantee good service and an air of respectability – no drunkenness, no prostitutes and no breaches of trading hours or other infringements of the licensing regulations.

 

The only readily available source of information on what food was served and how these eating places may have been run and organised is found in newspapers, including advertising and police reports. Published bills of fare are scarce, suggesting that customers were familiar with what was likely to be available and menus rarely altered. Advertisements suggest that the choices, if any, on any given day were displayed outside the premises. Nonetheless, it is possible to gain a general idea of the range of dining options from newspaper advertising.

 

A table d’hote or ordinary remained popular at lunch time but the food on offer varied considerably from place to place. For example, in 1827 Stephen Bax, a confectioner and pastry cook, was serving ‘a snug and genteel ordinary’, a dinner of three courses, at 4 pm in his shop where he also did a steady trade in ‘cold ham, mutton pies and apple tarts’ at lunch time. Later, as licensee of the Australian Hotel, he provided his clients with soups, patties, and lamb and veal pies every day at 11 am and had an ordinary on the table at 2 pm.[11] At the Melbourne Eating House and Coffee Rooms James Kingaby served an ordinary every day at 1 pm but also advertised tea, coffee and soups available from 6 am until midnight.[12] Diners at the Tavistock Hotel could obtain hot boiled beef and vegetables, and a glass of ale from 12 noon until 3 pm every day.[13] When Charles Marsh moved from the Tavistock to the Royal Hotel he prepared an ordinary daily at 1 pm consisting of various kinds of soup, boiled and roast joints, made dishes, butter, cheese and salads.[14] The ‘ordinary’ Alfred Toogood laid on at the Rainbow Tavern was served from 1 pm to 3 pm and consisted of soups, hot joints and made dishes and included champagne ale or porter in the price.[15]

 

Not everyone restricted the hours of food service to lunch. At his eating house opposite the new market place, George Rainey provided tea, coffee, soups, and hot and cold joints of the best description at all hours of the day.[16] The Royal Victoria Coffee House conducted a good lunch or dinner ‘in true London style’ at any time, with ‘soups, curries of all descriptions and all the most delicious kinds always ready at a moments notice’.[17] William Toogood rented the room adjoining the Rose and Crown Hotel on the corner of King and Castlereagh Street and operated a ‘saloon for dinners and refreshments’ including tea, coffee, ‘soups and curries of every description’ and ‘all kinds of Indian preparations in the best style and on the shortest notice’.[18] Martin Gill supplied visitors to his Victoria Refreshment Rooms with breakfast from 7 am to 10 am, a luncheon from 11 am to 3 pm, dinner from 4 pm to 7 pm and supper from 9 pm to midnight. His hot or cold lunch included chops or steaks, ‘Harricoes, Fricasees, Curries’ and a variety of soups.[19] Gill later operated the City Wine Vaults where he promised ‘luncheons and a public dinner daily on the table from twelve to four o’clock, when every delicacy of the season will be provided’.[20] At one stage he even engaged an ‘East Indian’ cook to prepare Mulligatawny soup and ‘currie’ for the gentlemen who attended his ‘commercial ordinary’.[21]The bill of fare at the Royal Exchange Coffee Rooms for 28 March 1843 was extensive – soup (a choice of three), fish (boiled and baked), poultry (goose, duck and fowl), joints of meat both roasted and boiled (lamb, mutton, beef, pork veal and calves’ head), meat pies (lamb, rump steak and giblet), made dishes (including cutlets, curry and a variety of Indian dishes) and vegetables of all kinds. Dinner was available at any hour of the day.[22]

 

Quite apart from demonstrating that curries and Indian dishes in general were popular, these advertisements indicate that Sydney diners were neither necessarily restricted to set mealtimes or to a set menu for lunch or dinner. What is not clear is how meals were served – whether diners shared their meals at a common table or were able to dine individually at separate tables. In other words, we cannot know how closely any of these establishment resembled a restaurant.

 

The restaurant in the form we are familiar with today, grew out of the social and political turmoil of the French Revolution.[23] By the 1790s, restaurant dining was a fashionable pastime and Paris boasted a large and growing number of both restaurants and people using them.[24] Although eating away from home was not a new phenomenon per se the restaurant introduced the novelty of being able to sit at a private table and choose one’s dining companions. At a restaurant, diners could also choose food to suit their own tastes from a menu which listed the prices of the dishes on offer, they could eat at a time which was convenient and be served by waiters who brought the food to them at their table.

 

The available evidence suggests that the term ‘restaurant’ was first use in Sydney in the 1830s. In 1838 William Toogood moved from his saloon next door to Sandwell’s Rose and Crown Hotel and established himself in ‘superior and capacious premises’ immediately across the road, on the north-eastern corner of King and Castlereagh Streets. Here he proclaimed himself a restaurateur and his new endeavor (subsequently licensed and called the Rainbow Tavern) a restaurant.[25] How the eating arrangements at the Rainbow Tavern differed from Toogood’s earlier saloon is not recorded. 



The Sydney Monitor, 8 August 1838, p. 3.

 

But in 1843 when Mr Sparke announced that he intended to open the Grand Saloon of the Royal Hotel ‘upon the principle of the universally established EUROPEAN RESTAURATEURS’ he made it clear that he understood exactly how a restaurant was supposed to operate. He would serve breakfast, luncheon or dinner between the hours of 11 am and 6 pm, and diners would sit at separate tables ‘properly laid out’. A bill of fare, listing ‘all the substantial and epicurean dishes of the season’ with the prices of each, would be available on every table. Parties of four or six who wished to do so could dine by themselves, ‘as in London’, and their table would be ready for them at the time they requested.[26]

 

The arrival of the restaurant did not herald the adoption of French food. At Harden’s Restaurant and Commercial Dining Rooms in 1842, James Harden specified that he would not ‘profess to supply French and Italian dishes, so much sought for by the EPICURE’ rather he intended to continue with the old English principle ‘of supplying a good Rump Steak, or Mutton Chop, so that those friends who favor him with a visit, may fancy themselves in the Mother country.’[27] While this insistence on ‘the old English principle’ may have been a reflection of Harden’s own tastes, it may also have been a reaction to the announcement by Messrs. Henin and Bourdon that they intended to open a ‘French Restaurant’ where they would be serving a variety of French and Italian dishes at their luncheons and dinners.[28]

 

A sustained French presence on the eating out scene in Sydney would not eventuate until the 1850s, and the concept of the restaurant was not adopted with any enthusiasm until later in the century. In the meantime, businessmen and patrons of the theatre were well served with cold collations, curries, roast joints and soups at all hours.

 



[1] John Burnett, England Eats Out, 1830– present (London: Reason Education, 2004), p. 9.

[2] Burnett, p. 42.

[3] Rebecca L. Spang, The Invention of the Restaurant. Paris and Modern Gastronomic Culture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), pp. 7–8; Beat Kümin, “Eating Out Before the Restaurant. Dining Culture in Early-modern Inns,” in Eating Out in Europe, Picnics, Gourmet Dining and Snacks Since the Late Eighteenth Century eds. Marc Jacobs and Peter Scholliers (Oxford: Berg, 2003), pp. 71–87.

[4] The Sydney Herald, 16 November 1840, p. 2; The Australian, 30 May 1829, p. 2.

[5] The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser (hereafter SG), 26 June 1803, p. 4; SG 24 July 1803, p. 4; SG 25 December 1803, p. 4; SG, 8 April 1804, p. 1.

[6] The Monitor, 22 May 1828, p. 5.

[7] For Stephen Bax, pastry cook, see The Monitor, Friday 13 April 1827; SG 4 June 1831, p. 2. For boarding house see for example John Moses, SG, 22 August 1835, p. 4, where ‘persons can regularly obtain their meals at any hour on the most reasonable terms’.

[8] See also Charles Marsh’s Victoria Saloon which he advertised as a ‘Coffee, chop and dining rooms’, Bell’s Life in Sydney and Sporting Reviewer (hereafter Bell’s), 14 July 1849, p. 3, and J. Harden’s ‘Chop House and Coffee Rooms’, Sydney Monitor, 27 August 1841, p. 4.

[9] Licensed Publicans Act 1849 No 29a (NSW) https://classic.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/nsw/num_act/lpa1849n29199/

[10] Licensed Publicans Act 1849 No. 29a, http://www6.austlii.edu.au/cgi-bin/viewdb//au/legis/nsw/num_act/lpa1849n29199/.

[11] The Monitor, Friday 13 April 1827; SG 4 June 1831, p. 2

[12] Commercial Journal and Advertiser, 24 March 1838, p. 1; Sydney Monitor, 31 August 1840, p. 4.

[13] Australian, 19 October 1843, p. 4.

[14] The Sydney Daily Advertiser, 6 September 1848, p. 3.

[15] Sydney Morning Herald (hereafter SMH), 12 December 1844, p. 1.

[16] SG, 30 May 1835, p. 2.

[17] Australasian Chronicle, 7 July 1842, p. 3.

[18] SG, 23 May 1835, p. 3.

[19] Australasian Chronicle, 14 January 1840, p. 3.

[20] SMH, 9 July 1845, p. 1.

[21] Australian, 4 November 1845, p. 4.

[22] SMH, 28 March 1843, p. 3. Other examples include, Francois Durand, pastry cook and confectioner, next to the Theatre Royal and the Royal Hotel, who provided soups, curries, made dishes and a cold collation at all hours, including a private room for refreshments for theatre visitors, Sydney Times, 29 July 1837, p. 4. J. Roberts at the Albion Eating House and Coffee Rooms supplied a ‘comfortable, snug, pleasant retreat’ for theatre patrons and a good fire in the coffee rooms. His rooms were also extravagantly embellished with murals of Welsh scenery. His food offerings included ham, roasted and boiled duck, fowl and geese, boiled beef, soup, fish and curries along with stewed oysters, made dishes, toast, eggs and butter. Gilly’s coffee was ‘always available by patent stem apparatus’ Sydney Times, 16 September 1837, p. 4. At Lee and Pelham’s Australian Coffee House and Supper Rooms, the choicest viands, fish, soups, meats, curries, made dishes of every description, jellies, custards, pastry etc. were constantly ready, Commercial Journal and Advertiser, 3 November 1838, p. 2.

[23] See Spang, also Burnett, pp. 9–12; Stephen Mennell, All Manners of Food. Eating and Taste in England and France from the Middle Ages to the Present, 2nd. edition. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996), pp. 135–144.

[24] Mennell, p. 272.

[25] Sydney Monitor, 23 July 1838, p. 2; Sydney Monitor, 8 August 1838, p. 3.  

[26] SMH, 14 March 1843, p. 2.

[27] The New South Wales Examiner, 1 July 1842, p. 2.

[28] Australasian Chronicle, 28 July 1842, p. 3. This was a very short-lived concern if it ever eventuated. According to Barbara Santich (‘French Restaurants in Nineteenth-century Australia: A Preliminary Review, Part 1’, French Australian Review, 76 (Winter 2024): pp. 4–26), who references Brian Petrie (French Canadian Rebels as Australian Convicts (Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Press, 2013)) both men were Canadian rebels transported to Australia in 1840. Louis Bourdon was one of the rebels. He was granted a Ticket of Leave in March 1842 and absconded from the colony in September (Beverley Boissery, A Deep Sense of Wrong (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1995)). The exact details of Henin are not clear. His name is not on the published lists of rebels transported. A Mr. and Mrs. Henin and child, left Sydney for the South Seas in January 1846 (SMH, 27 January 1846, p. 2).
















Friday, January 31, 2025

Mrs Wicken and her publishers, Angus and Robertson

All authors face the issue how to go about getting their work published. This was especially a problem in late nineteenth century Australia where there were few local publishers, and most manuscripts were handled by local agents of London publishing firms. Most authors of cookery books were unlikely to employ an agent to act on their behalf and therefore had to be able to negotiate terms with publishers and printers.


There were several ways in which writers of recipes might arrange to have their work published. Occasionally, a writer could sell their manuscript to a publisher for a lump sum, in which case the publisher would reap all and any of the profits. This might be the case if the publication was commissioned by the publisher. For example, Harriet Wicken’s The Cook’s Compass, a cookery guide published by J. G. Hank’s and Co., retail and family grocers of George Street, and Fish Dainties, written at the request of the Mutual Provedoring Company of Melbourne, were both distributed by the publishers directly to their customers. Similarly, Dainty Foods, published in 1911 by the Progressive Thinker’s Library was probably written on request. There is no record of what remuneration Wicken received for her efforts in either case, or whether she had any share of the profits associated with any sales.


More commonly a writer who wanted to see their name in print would choose to ‘self-publish’. That is, they would approach a printer or publisher and agree to meet all the costs of production, and pay the publisher a commission on sales, in return for the costs of warehousing and distribution, or come to some profit-sharing arrangement whereby the costs of production are taken out of the sales revenue and any profits divided in agreed proportions. The author relied on the printer to distribute and promote the book on her behalf. Books published in this way tended to have a high trade price and were likely inadequately advertised.[1] Print runs for books which were financed by their authors also tended to be small and distribution limited.[2]


A more financially rewarding avenue to publication was to agree a royalty, whereby the publisher bore the costs of production and the author received a certain percentage of the published price on all sales. In this instance there was an onus on the publisher to market the product to ensure the best sales volume possible and so maximise his return. In the case of cookery books, it seems that having already established a reputation as a reliable author was the first step in securing a greater financial reward. 


In 1896 Angus and Robertson published Wicken’s Lenten Dishes on commission and George Robertson personally approached her with an offer to take over publishing the Kingswood.[3] At this stage Angus and Robertson had only 25 or so titles to their name, most of which were either theological, medical or scientific works but they were branching out with active and professional marketing of their publications to the trade and a greater concentration on Australian literary works, such as the poetry of Banjo Patterson (The Man from Snowy River was published in October 1895) and Henry Lawson.[4] Robertson was already on the lookout for a title which would generate substantial on-going sales to provide the income which would allow the company to take risks on works by unknown Australian writers and poets.


Robertson was obviously impressed with the success of Wicken’s Kingswood to date, preferring to proceed with an established publication rather than running the risk of commissioning a new one. He was also confident of its potential if properly advertised, ‘pushed’ and distributed by them.[5] While it is not clear how many, if any, other authors had been approached for the rights to their cookbooks, Angus and Robertson appear to have had considerable faith in the Kingswood.


In a letter to Wicken dated 23 March 1896 Robertson proposed that the new edition would add 50 pages and be printed on much thicker paper than that used previously, ensuring a more ‘handsome’ result, worthy of the 3s 6d. selling price. Consideration was also given to including four colour plates of Australian subjects which ‘would help the work very much’ although the cost would reduce the profits ‘considerably’. Nonetheless Robertson expected the book to sell much quicker that the last edition ‘especially if we give it every attention’.[6]

When Angus and Robertson took up the Kingswood, Fred Shenstone, head of the publishing department, claimed 6000 copies had been sold, that is 6000 copies had been sold in the 10 years since the first Australian edition in 1888, which he considered ‘proof of the popularity of the book’ given that Wicken had handled the publication to date.[7] While clearly Angus and Robertson thought this a satisfactory sales record the Kingswood was no means the highest selling book on the market. Miss Pearson’s Cookery Recipes for the People for example claimed to have run to 13,000 in only six years.[8]


Before going to press Wicken was sent the Kingswood manuscript for revision. Angus and Robertson also sent along a copy of the ‘Presbyterian Cook Book’–presumably The Women’s Missionary Association cookery book of good and tried receipts which was in its fourth edition–with the comment that this book had sold 4000 copies in little over a year. [9] It was also suggested that ‘if there is anything in it you haven’t got in the Kingswood you might incorporate it’, given that ‘[t]he recipes in the Presbyterian have all been taken from other books no doubt re-arranged or re-worded to look new–this can be done again’. [10] It was also suggested that reviewing the manuscript would give her the opportunity ‘of fitting in the Queensland matter’, Wicken was at that time teaching with Amy Schauer in Queensland, and ‘bringing the contents quite up to date’. Wicken did take the opportunity to include recipes for more interesting vegetables and for various tropical fruit but what she thought of the idea of plagiarising recipes from other sources is not recorded. As with most cookery books, then as now, how many of her recipes were truly original is questionable.[11]


Robertson offered Wicken the opportunity to publish on commission but recommended a royalty payment as ‘simpler and more satisfactory in every way’.[12] Wicken accepted Robertson’s recommendation presumably based on her own strong belief in the value of her book and knowledge gained from past experience which led her to believe that this arrangement was likely to provided her with the best financial result.[13]

The fourth edition of 3000 was finally available to the trade in April 1898. Robertson fervently believed that review copies were the cheapest and most effective form of advertising, a belief which would become a hallmark of the company’s promotion of its wares.[14] In all some 260 complimentary copies were sent out.[15] Review copies of the Kingswood were widely distributed suggesting it was thought to have broad appeal. In Victoria for example copies were sent to six metropolitan newspapers including the Argus, Age and Leader, and a further twenty-three to regional publications.[16] In addition Angus and Robertson offered incentives to large retailers to place large orders. E. W. Cole, of Coles Book Arcade, was offered his own imprint and a four-month delay for payment in return for an order of 500 copies.[17]


This aggressive promotion was successful initially. Wicken received a royalty payment for the 1189 copies sold to date at the beginning of August 1898.[18] However later that month Shenstone wrote warning her that, while sales so far were very satisfactory, they were likely to slow down after this first rush and it would be ‘desirable’ if she ‘should continue to push it as you used to do’ and do whatever she could ‘to make the book go.’[19]


In August of 1899 Shenstone advised Wicken that the publisher was not satisfied with the way the Kingswood was selling and intended to lower the price to quit stock. At the same time, he offered to pay Harriet £20 per annum in exchange for the book’s rights.[20] In the end Wicken agreed to £25 per annum with Angus and Robertson having the right to renew the arrangement or end it after 5 years. This revised payment method came into force in January 1900, although Wicken continued to receive a reduced royalty (on the remaining stock of the 4th edition). In terms of book numbers, this new deal equated to the sale of 1500 copies a year, or 7250 books over the life of the agreement, at the original royalty of 4d per copy, which again suggests that Angus and Robertson was optimistic about the book’s future. On the other hand, the agreement obviously suited Wicken. If sales continued to decline, she was in a better financial position with a guaranteed income than relying on the royalty payment. In the meantime, Lenten Dishes was not selling well, and Angus and Robertson rejected Wicken’s manuscript for ‘Breakfast and Tea Dishes’.[21]


The 5th edition of the Kingswood, claiming to complete the 19th thousand, was published in 1900. Thanks to new printing and binding technology, introduced by the printers W. C. Penfold & Co, this version was printed, folded, sewn and bound mechanically, resulting in a ‘cheap but not nasty’ book in two editions, cloth bound retailing at 1s 6d, and paper bound at 1s. [22] This print run of another 10,000 copies confirms Angus and Robertson’s confidence that sales at the new lower price would be substantial. Although sales were initially promising Angus and Robertson admitted it would take a long time for the present edition to be successful even at this reduced price.[23]


As early as August 1903 the publisher approached Wicken to cancel their agreement, but she declined.[24] By now Angus and Robertson was publishing The Women’s Missionary Association cookery book of good and tried receipts. Although no record of the arrangement the publishers had with the church has come to light, this was an on-going arrangement which involved printing tens of thousands of copies at a time and was no doubt financially rewarding.[25] The annual payment to Wicken continued until December 1904 but, Angus and Robertson, having decided not to reprint the Kingswood, did not renew the agreement, finally selling the stereos and moulds to Whitcombe and Tombs who were then free to make whatever terms they could with Wicken.[26]


The final publication of the Kingswood, the sixth edition produced by Whitcombe and Tombs in 1905, claimed to have ‘completed the 30th thousand’ implying that Whitcombe and Tombs printed another 11,000 copies. There is no record of what financial arrangement Wicken had with them nor any record of sales figures, but it is likely that theKingswood had had its day. There was now significantly more competition in the market especially from compiled books of recipes by local cooks such as The Presbyterian Women’s Cookery BookHome Cookery for Australia (produced by the Presbyterian Women’s Missionary Union of Victoria) and Jean Routledge’s The Goulburn Cookery Book, and Wicken was no longer promoting herself and her publications with regular lectures and demonstrationsCopies of the Kingswood were still available at McWhirter’s department store in Brisbane, for a ‘super bargain price’, in 1924.[27]


Although Wicken’s side of the correspondence relating to her dealings with Angus and Robertson is not available, it is clear she was both astute and determined. She obviously appreciated the value of retaining the copyright to her work, was well aware of her own worth, and was not afraid to negotiate terms to her advantage and to hold the publisher to the conditions of their agreement. Jennifer Alison concludes that in the early days the publishers would have had a reasonable return from the Kingswood  but ‘Wicken probably did as well as, if not better, than Angus and Robertson with her royalty payments.’ [28] Over the course of her publishing career Mrs Wicken dealt with several publishers and printers. Details of these arrangements are lost but no doubt she was equally formidable in all her deliberations.



[1] MLMSS 3269 Angus and Robertson Archives, Collection 03 Angus and Robertson further records 1880–1979, series 01 Business records 1885–1973, sub-series 01 Angus and Robertson Business records 1885–1973, Box 72/2 Trade Letter Book No. 1 1897–1900, p. 114, Shenstone to Walch and Sons, 11 May 1898; p. 126, Shenstone to Whitcombe and Tombs, New Zealand, 12 May 1898: ‘The book [ie. the Kingswood] has previously been printed and controlled by its author with the usual results–a high trade price and inadequate advertising.’ Without evidence to the contrary The Australian HomeUseful Recipes and the second and third editions of the Kingswood were probably published in this way.

[2] Jennifer Alison, Doing Something for Australia: George Robertson and the Early Years of Angus and Robertson, Publishers: 1888–1900 (Melbourne: Bibliographical Society of Australia and New Zealand, 2009), p. 38. My foray into the Angus and Robertson archives would not have been possible without the meticulous research undertaken by Jennifer Alison. For a summary of Wicken’s dealing with Angus and Robertson see Alison, Doing Something, p. 140. Also note that since the publication of this book the catalogue listings for the Angus and Robertson Archive at the State Library of NSW has changed meaning that whilst I have consulted the same material at Jennifer Alison the referencing is not the same.

[3] MLMSS 3269, Box 71/4, Author’s Letter Book, 1895–1897, pp. 167–8, George Robertson to Harriet Wicken, 30 March 1896. Robertson’s letter is reproduced in Alison, Doing Something, p. 296.

[4] See Jennifer Alison, ‘Unsolicited manuscripts received by Angus and Robertson, 1896–1914’, Bibliographic Society of Australia and New Zealand Bulletin, vol. 20, no. 1, 1996, pp. 45–60.

[5] MLMSS 3269, Box 72/2, Trade Letter Book No. 1, 1897–1908, p. 114, Fred Shenstone to Walch & Sons, Hobart, 11 May 1898. ‘Kingswood has up till now been entirely in the hands of the author and the fact that 6000 copies have been sold in this way if proof of the popularity of the book.’

[6] MLMSS 3269, Box 71/4, Author’s Letter Book, 1895–1897, p. 154, George Robertson to Harriet Wicken, 23 March 1896. In the event the colour plates were not included, see MLMSS 3269, 72/1, Author’s letter Book 1896–1897, p. 395, Wicken to Angus and Robertson, 15 April 1898.

[7] MLMSS 3269, Box 72/2, Trade Letter Book No. 1, 1897–1908, p. 114, Fred Shenstone to Walch & Sons, Hobart, 11 May 1898.

[8] M. J. Pearson, Cookery Recipes for the People 3rd ed (Melbourne: H. Hearne & Co., 1894). First printed in 1888.

[9] M MacInnes (ed), Women’s Missionary Association Cookery book of good and tried receipts 4th edition (Sydney: S.T. Leigh,1897). 

[10] MLMSS Box 71/4, Author’s Letter Book, 1895–1897, p. 494, Shenstone to Wicken, 12 March 1897.

[11] In 1899 Angus and Robertson provided Wicken with a copy of Mrs Maclurcan’s book, indicating that she took the trouble to keep up to date with the competition. MLMSS 3269, Box 73/1, Publishing Private Letter Book, 1898–1901, p. 327, Shenstone to Wicken, 9 May 1899. 

[12] MLMSS 3269, Box 71/4, Author’s Letter Book, 1895–1897, pp. 167–8, Robertson to Wicken, 30 March 1896.

[13] Alison, Doing Something, p. 113. 

[14] MLMSS 3269, Box 71/4, Author’s Letter Book, 1895–1897, p. 171, George Robertson to Harriet Wicken, 8 April 1896. For Robertson’s faith in review copies see Alison, Doing Something, pp. 69–73 and Cathy Peters, The shelf life of Zora Cross, (Melbourne: Monash University Publishing, 2020), pp. 81–2.

[15] Alison, Doing Something, pp. 71, 73, 211 review copies and 59 complimentary copies were sent out. See also MLMSS Box 73/1, Publishing Private Letter Book, 1898–1901, p. 2, Statement dated 4 August 1898.

[16] MLMSS 3269, Box 72/1, Author’s Letter Book, 1896–1898, p. 370, Letter from Angus and Robertson to E. W. Cole, 6 April 1898.

[17] MLMSS 3269, Box 72/1, Author’s Letter Book, 1896–1898, p. 370, Letter from Angus and Robertson to E. W. Cole, 6 April 1898.

[18] MLMSS 3269, Box 73/1, Publishing Private Letter Book, 1898–1901, p. 2, Statement dated 4 August 1898.

[19] MLMSS 3269, Box 73/1, Publishing Private Letter Book, 1898–1901, p. 5, Shenstone to Wicken, 5 August 1898.

[20] MLMSS 3269, Box 73/1 Publishing Private Letter Book, 1898–1901, p. 419, Shenstone to Wicken, 24 August 1899.

[21] Alison, Doing Something, pp. 189, 197.

[22] MLMSS 3269, Box 73/1 Publishing Private Letter Book, 1898–1901, p. 659, Angus and Robertson to W. Davidson, 11 May 1900. National Advocate (Bathurst), 28 September 1900, p. 2, ‘Kingswood cookery book.’

[23] MLMSS 3269, Box 73/1 Publishing Private Letter Book, 1898–1901, p. 972, Angus and Robertson to Wicken, 10 January 1901.

[24] MLMSS 3269, Box 73/2, Publishing Private Letter Book, 1901–1904, p. 846, Angus and Robertson to Wicken, 13 August 1903.

[25] For example, 15,000 copies for the 8th edition were printed in 1904.

[26] MLMSS 3269, Box 73/2 Publishing Private Letter Book, 1901–1904, p. 864, Angus and Robertson to Wicken, 18 October 1903; Box 74/2 Letter book 5, 1904–1906, p. 217, Angus and Robertson to Whitcombe and Tombs, 26 July 1905.

[27] Brisbane Courier, 24 March 1924, p. 1, ‘Advertising.’

[28] Alison, Doing Something, p. 140.