Thursday, November 16, 2023

Money for Jam, Part Two: Taylor Brothers

 

The Taylor brothers, Robert and William, began their foray into jam making in Camperdown in or around 1890.[1] By June of 1894 they were established in Annandale, at the corner of Booth and Trafalgar Streets, and had quickly staked their reputation on superior quality, scrupulous cleanliness and attractive packaging, including the use of glass jars.[2] The brothers Taylor sourced their labels from Pratten Brothers printers, and, so the story goes, found themselves indebted to the Prattens to the extent that an arrangement was struck which eventually saw Herbert Edward Pratten and his father-in-law, John Plant Wright, take over the jam business.[3]

Pratten entered into partnership with the Taylors on 5 March 1894. William Taylor died on 17 December 1895 and his share was purchased by the surviving partners, Pratten and Robert Taylor. J. P. Wright joined the business on 20 July 1896, and on 22 March 1897 Robert Taylor left the partnership, and assigned the goodwill of the business of “Taylor Brothers” and the right to the use of the name, to Pratten and Wright.[4]

Herbert Pratten is described as ‘a man of tireless energy’. Active in the community (for example he served as Mayor of Ashfield for three years) and astute in business, he ultimately pursued a career in politics. Elected to the Senate for New South Wales in 1917, he was returned to the house of Representatives in 1921 and served as Minister for Trade and Customs from June 1924 until his untimely death in May 1928.[5]

John Plant Wright had made his reputation as a boot manufacturer. He was a prominent and well-respected member of the business community, serving on the board of several companies, actively involved with the Chamber of Manufactures and eventually serving as an employer’s representative on the first arbitration court.[6]

Under their leadership, and with Pratten as the company’s spokesman, Taylor Brothers grew and prospered, consistently winning prizes at agricultural shows, experimenting with the export of fruit pulp, establishing an agency and pulping plant in Hobart (1897), and actively proclaiming the purity of their product and protecting their trade mark.[7] By 1906 operations included a head factory covering three frontages at Annandale, two factories in Tasmania, at Hobart and New Norfolk, an establishment in Brisbane canning pineapples, and a cannery and orchard at Cumnock, near Molong.[8] The success of the business required foresight and vigilance in a highly competitive market fuelled by ever increasing pressure from the Jam Combine.

For example, along with William and Robert Taylor, the company had also employed John and Alfred Taylor and a William Waring, all of whom left the business about October 1896 and started manufacturing jam in Broughton Street, Glebe, calling themselves “Taylor and Company”. Taylor and Company then adopted labels and wrappings which so closely resembled those of Taylor Brothers that Pratten and Wright were concerned enough for their trade and their reputation to take out an injunction requiring Taylor and Company to include a statement on their labels to the effect that they were distinct from Taylor Brothers.[9] At the end of 1898 Taylor and Company passed into the hands of William Peacock who began selling jam with labels which did not carry the disclaimer, until Pratten and Wright took Peacock to court and reaffirmed that he was required to do so.[10]

As managing director Pratten was a vocal advocate for stringent and uniform regulations to combat ‘food frauds’ and adulteration in any form including the use of chemical agents for peeling fruit, and for a federal arbitration award to ensure fair wages.[11] These views put him and Taylor Brothers in direct opposition to the Jam Combine, and its representatives Henry Jones, A. W. Palfreyman, G. B Edwards and William Peacock. Many of Pratten’s public statements imply criticism of the practises of the Combine if not personal dislike of the men involved. For example, his evidence to an enquiry into wages in the jam industry in New South Wales, held in 1909, and his statement that cut-throat interstate competition needed remedying by a federal arbitration award compelling all producers to pay fair wages, was a direct aim at the machinations of the Combine. The enquiry found that the main difficulty to establishing proper conditions ‘had been the existence of keen competition between the manufacturers themselves, that is those based in New South Wales the majority of whom were in some way associated with the Combine, ‘and the severe competition between them and the southern states’, which was also engineered by the Combine. The chairman of the enquiry concurred with Pratten, a satisfactory resolution rested with the Federal authorities.[12]

Pratten parted with Taylor Brothers around 1910, supposedly after a disagreement with J. P. Wright over the involvement of Wright’s sons in the business, but this move did not end his connection with jam.[13] In March 1914, Pratten, the brothers Henry and Cecil Tate, L. H Pattinson (chemist), George Sargent (caterer), M. Walters (fruit merchant) and William Buckingham (merchant) registered the Stanmore Preserving Company Ltd. with premises in Salisbury Road, Stanmore.[14] How long Pratten remained involved is unclear but by 1921 the business was insolvent and was eventually taken over by Henry Jones Co-operative Ltd and rebranded the Oakleaf Preserving Company Limited.[15]

Meanwhile at Taylor Brothers opposition to the Combine ‘octopus’ continued under the management of the Wrights. Untangling the whole history of Taylor Brothers and their interaction with the Jam Combine is difficult since business records are not available. But what evidence there is confirms that the company remained faithful to their principles and staunchly independent, even following the death of John P. Wright in 1912, after which his son George became the spokesman for Taylor Brothers.

An article published in the Lone Hand in 1911 described Taylor Brothers as ‘the pure food firm’ waging ‘ceaseless war’ against the ‘adulterators’:

Taylor Brothers was formed by decent men who were disgusted with the iniquity practised on the public, and who believed that in the midst of so much corruption there was a chance to make a fortune by supplying the public with pure conserves made of wholesome fruit and good sugar.[16]

The company continued to strongly oppose the use of colouring agents, adulteration with apple juice and caustic soda peeling, and any suggestion that these practises should be allowed in any Pure Foods Act without the need to declare them: ‘If apple juice and colouring improves jams, and caustic soda peeling is superior to hand peeling, what is the objection to letting the public know when they are getting a good thing?’[17] George Wright accused the Combine of ‘endeavouring to get the Pure Foods Act regulations ‘emasculated’ to allow the use of colouring matter and apple juice in jams: ‘My company refused to help them, in either matter and has instituted a vigorous campaign against the attempt to weaken the pure foods regulations’.[18]

Perhaps the biggest, and most public stoush Wright had with the Combine was over the legitimate weight of tins of jam.  In 1915 a Royal Commission was appointed to enquire into the production, packaging, marketing, distribution, cold and other storage, and wholesale and retail prices of fruit and vegetables. Over the course of five months the commission took evidence from a variety of interested parties and canvassed a range of issues. George Wright’s evidence centred around the net weight of jam in tins, which demonstrated his disagreement with the practises of the Combine.[19] It was his determination to supply full weight which led to heated exchanges between Wright and other delegates to the Jam Manufacturers Conference held in Melbourne in December 1914 which resulted in his expulsion.[20] The Royal Commission’s report described the saga of the “2 lb” jam tin as ‘an interesting illustration of commercial methods’.

Prior to the 1905 Victorian Pure Food Act requirement that jam manufacturers indicate the weight of jam on the label of the tin the public had assumed that a tin of a certain size and shape was a 2 lb. tin and that it contained 2 lbs. of jam. After 1905 the legislation deemed that the tin need contain not less than 28 oz rather than the full 32 oz. Wright however insisted on supplying a full weight tin and claimed that the Combine was intent on reducing the weight of the 2 lb tin to only 27 oz. He supported his campaign and made his views public with a newspaper advertising which ran through 1915 and 1916.

The Newsletter (Sydney), 15 May 1915, p. 7.

Evening News (Sydney), 24 April 1915, p. 9.

Australian Worker (Sydney), 2 December 1915, p. 16.

The ins and outs of the 2 lb jam tin story can be followed in Wright’s evidence to the commission and in the newspaper reports.[21] The commissioners concluded that, if the tins held 28 oz there could be no legitimate excuse for any change and further: ‘The public are deceived by the practice of formally complying with the law by putting on the labels of tins of jam the weight of the contents in small type and in the background where it is difficult to read.’[22] They recommended that ‘it is desirable in the public interest that the reputed 1 lb and 2 lb tins should actually contain respectively those weights of jam’ and that the ‘weight should be printed in the same size and style of type as the name of the jam, and both weight and name should be directly associated on the label’.[23] While this result would seem to vindicate Wright’s stand, the commission had no power to interfere with the designs of the Jam Combine. The report could only reflect that ‘in trading concerns of this character it should be clearly made manifest to both producers and consumers that they are a combination of companies under different names. It should then be unreasonable to suppose that the individual companies are in competition.’[24]

To what extent Wright’s campaign against the Combine was motivated by a legitimate concern for consumers or simply fuelled by his animosity to the personalities involved with the Henry Jones Co-operative and their methods of doing in business is hard to gauge. Wright approached the Commission well prepared, armed with evidence to support his argument, and appears anxious that the facts should be clearly presented. Convinced that his cause was justified, all the same he was not above making some personal comments. He accused the Combine’s representative, A. W. Palfreyman, of threatening behaviour and the Combine of wanting to ‘smash’ any competition and have the market to themselves. On the other hand, in his evidence to the Commission, Palfeyman showed himself unwilling to co-operate, angered by the purpose of the Commission, and frustrated by questioning on issues he thought unimportant. The Age described Palfreyman as ‘far from even tempered’ and at times ‘quite warm with indignation and resentment’.[25] He was certainly unprepared to entertain criticism of the Combine’s business practises. He alleged that Wright had tried to sell Taylor Brothers to the Combine on a number of occasions and that this ‘fuss’ over weights was designed to compel the Combine to buy Wright out. He also claimed that Wright’s evidence was ‘a tissue of lies from beginning to end’, that he was ‘a crank with an axe to grind’, that he had doctored the evidence he presented to the Commission, and that Wright had ‘a reputation for causing trouble’, maintaining that H.E. Pratten had sold his interest in Taylor Brothers at a loss to be rid of his association with Wright. He concluded that ‘the trouble with a man like George Wright is that if prices are down, he says you are trying to smash him, and if prices are up the combine are exhorting undue profit.’[26] Clearly there was no love lost between the two men.

Wright and Taylor Brothers soldiered on in opposition to the Combine but in August 1923 the Daily Telegraph reported that the company could not, by reason of its liabilities, continue in business and George Wright and his son John were appointed as liquidators.[27]

Henry Jones was knighted in 1919 in recognition of his influence on the progress of Hobart and the state of Tasmania. He died suddenly in 1926, recognised as a shrewd businessman and ‘one of the foremost men in Australia.[28] Achelon Woolliscroft Palfreyman took over the reins of the Co-operative and remained in charge until his retirement in 1965. Variously described as ‘driving, independent, frugal, conservative, modest and totally dedicated to the entrepreneurial ethic’, and not just ‘confident and articulate’ but also ‘charming, dignified and warm hearted’, when he died in 1967, Palfreyman was thought to be the richest man in Australia.[29]

George Wright’s death in 1948 was unremarked.



[1] According to Chris Pratten, Herbert Edward Pratten 1865–1928: manufacturer, miner, minister (Ashfield: Ashfield and District Historical Society, 2016) the original factory was on the north side of Parramatta Road, adjacent to Johnson’s Creek. Registration of trademark NSW Government Gazette, 2 August 1893, p. 6077. http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article222119558.

[2] Trade mark registration, NSW Government Gazette, 19 June 1894, p. 3946, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article222340306Australian Star (Sydney), 22 October 1894, p. 5 visit to Annandale factory, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article227498786 and 6 May 1895, p. 8, ‘Sights and scenes of Sydney’ http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article227106529.

[3] Smith’s Weekly (Sydney), 3 December 1921, p. 2 ‘Man of the week’, source for the story that partnership proposed to cover the Taylor’s their debts. Australian Town and Country Journal, 28 March 1896, p. 21, visit to new factory in Annandale, ‘Messrs. Taylor Brothers’ Jam Factory’, mentions that Taylors had just ordered a million labels from a Sydney firm, presumably Pratten Brothers, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article71243549. Pratten Brothers printers was established in 1889, and remained under the management of Frederick Graham Pratten, H. E.’s half-brother. The business was very successful, among other publications Pratten Brothers printed the 20th edition of Mrs Maclurcan’s Cookery Book in 1930. Files relating to the registration of firms  held at NSW State Archives  show that F. G Pratten was also associated with Taylor Brothers as at 10 June 1903.

[4] For details of the business arrangements between Pratten, Wright and the Taylor brothers see Evening News, 16 November 1899, p. 3 ‘Taylor Brothers jams, alleged infringement of trademark’, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article113691318

[5] For Herbert Edward Pratten, see David Pope, 'Pratten, Herbert Edward (1865–1928)', Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/pratten-herbert-edward-8100/text14139Sydney Morning Herald (hereafter SMH), 8 May 1928, p. 11, ‘Active career’.

[6] For John Plant Wright, see Sunday Times (Sydney), 19 January 1902, p. 7 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article126428531Daily Telegraph, 25 March 1902, p. 5, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article237348932Evening News, 31 August 1904, p. 7 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article113296929Daily Telegraph, 14 March 1912, p. 11 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article239155420

[7] Australian Town and Country Journal (hereafter ATCJ), 1 May 1897, p. 23 emphasis on quality and purity, free from adulteration, includes report from health inspector; SMH, 14 July 1897, p. 4 ‘Fruit pulp”; Mercury (Hobart), 1 January 1898, p. 2; ATCJ, 23 April 1898, p. 23 ‘Taylor Brothers jam’ http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article71285685Evening News (Sydney), 28 November 1898, p. 2 ‘Sugar in jam’ letter re purity of product and support for Pure Food inspection and regulation; Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 30 March 1899, p. 3 ‘Taylor Brothers’ Jams’.

[8] Australian Star (Sydney), 24 January 1906, p. 5 ‘Local industries.’ The cannery at Cumnock was established on the orchard owned by the building contractor John Young (Burrawong). Like Pratten, Young was involved in local politics and shared similar political views. Both men were also lawn bowls enthusiasts. Young was instrumental in the development of the Annandale estate and was the first mayor of the borough of Annandale council. 

[9] Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 9 October 1897, p. 14 ‘Rival jam manufacturers’, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article238433132).

[10] Evening News (Sydney), 23 November 1899, p. 3 ‘Judge finds for the plaintiffs’ http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article113697197.

[11] For food frauds see The Newsletter (Sydney), 30 June 1906, p. 2 ‘The food frauds’; Pratten emphatically denies the use of caustic soda, SMH, 3 February 1909, p. 9 ‘Jam industry’. For details of caustic soda process see The Sun (Sydney), 7 July 1911, p. 3.

[12] Australian Star (Sydney), 11 February 1909, p. 6, ‘The jam industry’.

[13] For dispute see Chris Pratten, p. 65. Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 31 March 1910, p. 9 Pratten retired last year from active participation in the business. J. P. Wright died in 1912 and according to his son George, in his evidence to the Royal Commission on Fruit, Vegetables and Jam, the Wrights had bought out Pratten before his father’s death.

[14] Established by William Robertson Ritchie and Henry Tate 1905. Chris Pratten p. 66; NSW Government Gazette, 15 August 1905, p. 5551, registration of trade mark.  Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 18 March 1914, p. 12 ‘Stanmore Preserving Company’, purchased by Henry Jones in 1925, SMH, 23 January 1925, p, 11 ‘Stanmore Preserving Company’, becomes Oakleaf Preserving Co. ‘Registration of Oakleaf Preserving Company Ltd. Result of purchase of factories (Sydney and Hobart), plant, machinery and stock of SPC by Henry Jones Co-operative Ltd. Newly registered company will carry on jam and preserve manufacture at present works in Stanmore (now Bridge Road).

[15] Pratten’s involvement likely terminated by 1917 when he was elected to the Senate. In liquidation SMH, 23 November 1921, p. 15, ‘Stanmore Preserving Company’, http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article15974337.

[16] Lone Hand, 1 August 1911, ‘Messrs. Taylor Bros., the pure food firm’, pp. 379–385.

[17] Letter from George Wright, Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 17 May 1912, p. 5 ‘Jam making’.

[18] Mercury (Hobart) 21 May 1912, p. 5 ‘Jam manufacturers and Tasmanian growers’. The first Pure Food Act in Australia was passed by the Victorian Government in 1905. NSW followed in 1908. Under the provisions of the NSW act, effective 1 January 1910, jam could not contain glucose, gelatine, starch, apple pulp or other added substances other than spices and apple juice, the latter not to exceed 4%. Harmless colouring matter was allowed in raspberry and plum jam. NSW Government Gazette, 3 November 1909, pp. 6056–6057. The ongoing debate about additives in jam was fuelled by talk of a Federal Pure Foods Act. Daily Post (Hobart) 14 September 1911, p. 2 ‘Adulteration of jams’ interview with JP Wright re Pure Food Act. Daily Telegraph (Sydney) 13 April 1912, p. 15 ‘Demand for pure jam’. See also State Library of Victoria, Victorian Parliamentary Papers data base (1851–), Report of the Royal Commission on Uniform Standards for Foods and Drugs in the States of the Commonwealth of Australia: together with evidence and appendices 1913–14, pp. li–lii, https://pov.ent.sirsidynix.net.au/client/en_GB/parl_paper/search/detailnonmodal/ent:$002f$002fSD_ILS$002f0$002fSD_ILS:31812/one

[19] State Library of Victoria, Victorian Parliamentary Papers database (1851–), Royal Commission on Fruit, Vegetables and Jam: minutes of evidence https://pov.ent.sirsidynix.net.au/client/en_GB/parl_paper/search/detailnonmodal/ent:$002f$002fSD_ILS$002f0$002fSD_ILS:23198/one. Wright’s evidence pp. 456–463.

[20] For reports of the goings on at the Jam Manufacturers meeting see The Age (Melbourne), 3 December 1914, p. 8 ‘Price of jam’ and 4 December 1914, p. 8, ‘Price of jam’.

[21] For example, The Newsletter (Sydney), 17 April 1915, p. 4 ‘The jam industry’; The Age (Melbourne), 19 May 1915, p. 10 “Jam’; The Leader(Melbourne), 30 October 1915, p. 11 ‘The State fruit commission’. The debate over net weight was complicated because, at the time, jam manufacturers made their own tins, not all tins were a uniform shape or made from the same gauge of tin plate and the amount that could be filled into any tin depended on the density of the jam.

[22] State Library of Victoria, Victorian Parliamentary Papers database (1851–), Report from the Royal Commission on Fruit, Vegetables and Jam, 14 October 1915, p. 35, https://pov.ent.sirsidynix.net.au/client/en_GB/parl_paper/search/detailnonmodal/ent:$002f$002fSD_ILS$002f0$002fSD_ILS:23196/one

[23] Ibid., p. 36.

[24] Ibid., p. 34

[25] The Age (Melbourne), 26 June 1915, p. 13 ‘Deceptive jam tins’.

[26] For Palfeyman’s evidence see Minutes of Evidence pp. 313–314 and 489–500.

[27] Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 15 August 1924, p. 9 ‘Company news’.

[28] The Mercury (Hobart) 30 October 1926, p. 9 ‘Sudden death of Sir Henry Jones’.

[29] Canberra Times, 23 January 1965, p. 10; Australian Financial Reviewhttps://www.afr.com/wealth/people/money-for-jam-john-elliott-s-first-big-move-into-wealth-20210927-p58v7y, originally published 26 October 1967.

Tuesday, November 7, 2023

Money for Jam, Part One

 In April 1893 'Buronlong' wrote to the Sydney Mail and New South Wales Advertiser (8 April 1893, p. 694), for advice on how to dispose of around two tons (approximately 1.8 tonnes) of quinces. He was directed to the principal jam manufacturers then operating in Sydney: G. Peacock and Sons, Dyason Brothers, Johnson Brothers and Co., Southern Cross Preserving Company, Sydney Jam Company, and Taylor Brothers.

The story of George Peacock, recognised as the first person to produce jam on a commercial scale in Australia, is well known. George began manufacturing in Hobart in 1861, expanded his operations to the mainland around 1880, and by 1886 had factories in Hobart, Sydney, and Melbourne. His Sydney factory was established at Alice Street, Newtown. George retired around 1890/91 and died at his home in Stanmore in 1900 (see obituary Daily Telegraph, 2 May 1900, p. 7, ‘Death of Mr George Peacock’). The Peacock Jam Company continued its operations in Newtown under the management of George B. Edwards, George Peacock’s son-in-law, and George’s son, Herbert Peacock. Henry Jones and his associate Achalen Woolliscroft Palfreyman became directors of the company and took over the business in 1902. The intricacies of the Peacock dynasty, George Peacock’s association with Henry Jones and the story of IXL, the subsequent holding combine masterminded by Henry Jones, are best told by Bruce Brown in I excel! The life and times of Sir Henry Jones (Hobart: Libra Books, 1991).

The Jam Combine

It isn't possible to talk about jam manufacturing in Australia without reference to Henry Jones and the business he established. Beginning in 1900 Jones concentrated on buying up rival jam manufacturers and expanding his business interests, the company's dealings often being less than transparent. By 1907 Jones had all but a strangle hold on the fruit industry in general and jam manufacture in particular. His company held sway over the principal jam producers in the eastern states, owned or acted as agent for the ships which carried jam and fruit pulp out of Hobart, owned orchards which provided the fruit, controlled the supply of tin plate (through investment in Tongkah Tin Dredging Company, established on Phuket Island, Thailand) and operated saw mills which cut the timber for the cases in which the jam tins were packed (Brown, p. 67).

 Although the existence of a combine and the control it had over the industry was vehemently denied[1] it was clear to anyone with knowledge of the industry that by 1909 'To all intents and purposes the whole of the Australian jam trade is held in the same hands' (Daily Telegraph (Sydney), 25 November 1909, p. 11). In February 1910 Henry Jones Co-operative Limited, combining the businesses of Henry Jones and Co. Ltd, Hobart and Sydney; The Australian Jam Company Pty Ltd, Melbourne; the Peacock Jam Company Ltd, Sydney; and the distributing house of F. W. Moore and Co., London, was registered in Melbourne. The activities and the true nature of the business of the Co-operative were largely hidden from public scrutiny. As the Sun newspaper explained the balance sheet revealed little: 'Some shareholders with other means of obtaining information may find out more, but the average investor has to be content with what the report tells him' (Sun (Sydney), 12 February 1912, p. 10, 'Henry Jones Co-operative, Ltd'):

It is understood that the subsidiary companies, about a dozen in number, are all doing well, but the report is absolutely silent on the point. The companies concerned do not publish reports, and as the bulk of the shares are held by the Co-operative company there is little chance of the outside shareholder knowing much about them.

In his report on the trust movement in Australia, H. L. Wilkinson (The Trust Movement in Australia (Melbourne: Critchley Parker, 1914), pp. 88–89) was particularly concerned with the plight of the fruit grower:

There is now little competition anywhere in Australia in the buying of fruit, as the large jam factories are either controlled by the one company or agreement as to prices paid for fruit have been entered into by all the factories in the same district.

He conceded the advantages of having 'a strong and wealthy "holding company", controlling both home and export trade', when it came to securing markets and establishing a viable export trade, but noted the disadvantages. For one, centralising production in the large centres of population, the location of the principal market for jam, coupled with the power of the virtual monopoly, prevented other factories from starting up in the fruit districts, thus forcing fruit to come to the jam factories rather than vice versa. Wilkinson also observed: 

It is only natural that a company having control of the consumption of jam fruits will pay no higher prices for fruits than it is obliged to in order to get supplies. The price is fixed so that it is just worth while for fruit growers to produce fruit. In such circumstances it is impossible to expect fruit growing for jam to prosper.

Over the years the directors of the Co-operative continued to obfuscate and generally avoid scrutiny of their operations, while the company flourished. The Australian Worker (17 October 1923, p. 15, 'Subsidising the jam combine') summed up the situation in 1923:

The jam and canned fruit industry of the Commonwealth is controlled by a powerful combination of subsidised corporations, which, in turn, are controlled by the "holding" company, known as Henry Jones Co-operative, Ltd. This "holding" company does not manufacture jam or fruit, but controls the companies that do, holding the bulk of the shares in them. These subsidised companies are situated in Sydney, Hobart, Melbourne and Adelaide.

 The result being that no matter what brand of jam consumers purchased, the profits all ended up with what the newspaper called 'the Jam and Canned Fruits Trust'. The Australian Worker continued:

Years ago there was keen rivalry between small and competitive jam and fruit factories throughout the Commonwealth. Then the fruit growers got a decent price for their products, and the consumers paid a decidedly lower price for the manufactured goods. But one by one the competitors have been eliminated - the general method being to take over half their properties at a valuation, and allot them, in return, shares in the trust.

If competitors were not somehow absorbed into the Trust they were 'mercilessly crushed out of existence' so that 'slowly but surely the Trust has coiled its tentacles around the various jam and canned fruit concerns, until now it is in absolute control of the jam and canned fruits industry in the Commonwealth.' The monopoly was 'a law unto itself', dictating the price to fruit growers, and, through the Jam and Canned Fruits Convention (the selling agency for the Trust made up of representatives of the various subsidiary manufacturing concerns) fixing the prices at which jams and canned fruits were sold, and arranging the discounts and rebates to be allowed to distributors. 

The fate of all the now largely forgotten companies mentioned in the Sydney Mail in 1893 was determined by the machinations of Henry Jones Co-operative Ltd. Although little record of these businesses remains, each has its own history, and together they paint a picture of a dynamic industry and a time when a jam factory was a common feature of the inner city suburbs.

Dyasons

Jam making at Dyason Brothers' Sydney Jam Company, Australian Town and Country Journal, 23 January 1886, p. 183


Jam manufacturing was slow to establish in NSW in part because of the lack of variety and availability of good quality fruits. Peaches, apples, quinces, and plums were the main local crops, while soft fruits and berries, such as strawberries, raspberries, and blackcurrants had to be imported from Tasmania. Shipping these fresh fruits was not possible without them fermenting. (Keith Farrer, A Settlement Amply Supplied (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1980), p. 155). In addition, before Federation, individual colonies imposed tariffs and trade barriers designed to protect local industries. George Peacock developed a technique for preparing fruit pulp making it safely transportable interstate and incidentally made it possible to produce jam when fruit was out of season. He also took on the government bureaucracy in New South Wales to establish a regular trade in fruit pulp from Tasmania which not only benefitted his own businesses on the mainland but opened opportunities for other manufacturers. (For this saga see Farrer, pp. 154–159).

It may not be possible to determine who first produced jam on an industrial scale in Sydney, but one of the earliest successful operations was that of the Dyason brothers. Of the six companies listed in the Sydney Mail in 1893, three were associated with the Dyason family.

Joshua Dyason, a baker, his wife Eliza, their infant son Edwin and Joshua’s brother John arrived in Sydney in 1837. The Dyason family claim that Joshua Dyason was manufacturing jam and cordials in Sydney as early as 1851 (see R. W Dyason, Melon & Lemon Jam (Melbourne: R.W Dyason, 1991-1999)), but on what scale and using what sort of equipment is unrecorded. Only a couple of years later Joshua had relocated to Melbourne and was established as a baker in Brunswick.[2] From the 1870s the family name became associated with Collingwood and the manufacture of cordials, jam and tomato sauce in the area around Wellington, Oxford and what was then Dorset Street.[3] Meanwhile Joshua’s sons, William Bayley/Bailey, Henry Robert and Joshua junior were manufacturing jam in Sydney.

William Bayley Dyason was manufacturing cordial, vinegar and jam in Glebe from 1866.[4] What happened after he was declared insolvent in 1869 is unclear but in 1879 the Australian Town and Country Journal was able to report on the Sydney Jam Company factory at Alexandria, managed by Mr. Dyason and trading as Dyason Brothers.[5]

The Dyasons were credited with being the first to successfully compete with jam imported from the southern states and praised for having established a business hitherto ‘left almost entirely in the hands of the Tasmanians and Victorians’:

The starting of this local enterprise is deserving our best attention for besides opening up employment in several branches of trade and providing an outlet for surplus fruits it retains money in this colony which would otherwise go to another for what we ourselves can produce at a much less cost. [6]

The business expanded and by 1885 it had outgrown the original Alexandria site and a new, more efficient works opened in Golden Grove Street, Darlington. From here the Dyasons were reported as distributing to New South Wales and exporting to Queensland, Fiji and New Caledonia, with an output of 50 tons (45 tonnes) of jam per week during the season.[7] Altogether they used 16 different types of fruit, the Dyason speciality being melon and lemon jam. The cans and boxes were still made at the Alexandria site while the boiling filling and labelling operations were all done at Darlington.[8]

By 1887 the brothers had started manufacturing cordials and had also established a factory in Brisbane, with Henry Robert managing the Queensland business and William Bayley the Darlington factory. The business was using fruits from Victoria, Tasmania, South Australia, and tropical fruit from Queensland as well as local raw materials, producing 500 to 600 lbs (225 to 270 kilos) of jam per day in the season.[9] But William and Henry had overstretched themselves and in July 1888 called a meeting of their creditors to declare total liabilities of some £60,000. The Sydney Jam Company was purchased by Mr Montague Marks, and eventually taken over by Henry Jones and Co. in August 1900.[10] This purchase followed the acquisition of the Boyce Brothers factory in Alexandria. Former employees of the Sydney Jam Company, the Boyces had become successful competitors and sourced most of their raw material from Jones’s operation in Hobart. As Bruce Brown (pp. 43–44) tells the story the purchase of the Sydney Jam Company was proposed by the Boyce brothers to enable them to expand their business to meet the projected production levels determined by Jones and his right-hand man, A. W. Pafreyman, who brokered the deal. As such it is also an example of the devious operations of the jam combine.


Henry Dyason remained in Queensland and continued in business there. William Bayley and his son Hamilton went on making jam - first as Dyason Brothers, in Young Street, Annandale (Hamilton and his brother Albert), then as W. B Dyason and sons, and finally as Dyason and Johnson in Pyrmont.[11] The partnership with Johnson was dissolved in early 1898 and by the end of the year the jam business went into liquidation which seems to have ended the Dyasons’ operations in Sydney. The extended Dyason family continued manufacturing a diverse range of products, marketed under their own name and a range of brands (for example, Cockatoo Tomato Sauce, Tassell’s Mango Chutney, Parramatta Pineapple Cordial), in Victoria (Melbourne and Mildura) and Queensland.[12]

The other Dyason operation in Sydney was the Southern Cross Fruit Preserving Company which was started in Glebe by Joshua Dyason jnr. in 1888/89.[13] How long Joshua was associated with the business is unclear, but it remained in production until 1900.

Johnson Brothers

The demise of the other Dyason brothers in 1888 coincided with the Melbourne based fruit merchants Johnson Brothers and Co. establishing a factory in Sydney.[14] Johnson Brothers began producing jam in Hobart in conjunction with George Peacock in the 1860s and built their own jam manufactory there in 1869.[15] In 1890 they were producing jam at Queen Street, Glebe.[16] This business was also acquired by Henry Jones in 1910 but the factory continued in operation at Glebe until around 1925/6 when the business transferred to Bridge Road, Stanmore.[17]


The only business to hold out against Henry Jones was that begun by  the Taylor brothers – see part two.



[1] For example see Daily Telegraph (Sydney) , 21 December 1907, p. 14, ‘Alleged jam ‘combine’, Australasian Jam Co. Pty. Ltd. Claims no connection with Mssrs Peacock of Hobart; The Age (Melbourne), 4 April 1908, p. 15 ‘The jam combine’, letter from A.W. Palfreyman, director Australasian Jam Co. Pty. Ltd ‘the insinuation that manufacturers … combined to dictate prices to growers is the vilest nonsense.’)

[2] The Argus, 29 June 1854, p. 1. Advertising for a bread and biscuit baker, one who understands his business, Brunswick, near the Retreat Inn, Sydney Road.

[3] https://collingwoodhs.org.au/resources/notable-people-2/collingwood-notables-database/entry/553/

[4] Sydney Morning Herald (hereafter SMH), 15 September 1866, p. 5 ‘Metropolitan District Court’ Dart v Dyason. Plaintiff claimed for jam tins and blacking boxes made by him to the order of the defendant. Admitted to blacking boxes, but re other items called evidence to show that the tins were leaky and consequently the jam put into them had depreciated in value. SMH, 12 December 1867, p. 8, Wanted a young man accustomed to bottling, Dyason and Co, Walton’s premises Bay Street, Glebe. NSW Government Gazette. 3 April 1868, p. 963. Insolvent, William Bailey Dyason, Crown Street, Surry Hills, late of Bay Street, cordial and vinegar manufacturer. SMH, 8 July 1868, p. 4 Dyason and Co exporting 22 cases jam to Wide Bay.

[5] The Mercury (Hobart), 15 December 1877, p. 2 announced the opening of the works at Alexandria, and claimed the Dyasons had employed ‘two of the most competent jam makers from Tasmania’. Australian Town and Country Journal (hereafter AT and CJ), 15 March 1879, p. 32, ‘Sydney Jam Company'. SMH15 March 1878, p. 3, ‘Manufactures’, reports 5 jam factories in New South Wales.

[6] AT and CJ, 15 March 1879, p. 32. 

[7] AT and CJ, 17 January 1885, p. 41 ‘colonial industries’. Each case held 6, 1 lb tins of jam.

[8] Evening News, 23 January 1886, p. 6, Jam making in NSW’. 

[9] Queensland Figaro and Punch, 16 April 1887, p. 17 ‘A Brisbane Jam Factory’. AT and CJ, 19 February 1887, p. 22. ‘Jam Making Industry’.

[10] SMH, 22 September 1888, p. 12; SMH, 20 November 1900, p. 9, ‘Monetary and Commercial’.

[11] NSW Gov. Gaz., 5 February 1892, p. 1034; Australian Star, 7 January 1895, p. 3, ‘Jam making industry’; Australian Star, 9 May 1895, p. 8, ‘W. B. Dyason and sons’; Australian Star, 22 June 1895, p. 3 ‘Dyason & Johnson’; Sunday Times, 20 December 1896, p. 18, ‘Three Pyrmont industries’.

[12] Daily Telegraph, 5 February 1898, p. 15; Daily Telegraph, 28 November 1898, p. 9.

[13] First recorded in Sands Directory for 1889. Address 33 Campbell Street, Glebe.

[14] SMH, 18 August 1888, p. 10, ‘Monetary and commercial’. The firm of Johnson Brothers should not be confused with the Mr James Johnson who was in partnership with the Dyasons.

[15] At one time there had been a partnership between Johnston and Peacock. See Tasmanian Times, 28 April 1869, p. 1 announcing the dissolution of the partnership between G. Peacock and G. T. Johnson and confirming that both would continue manufacturing: G. Peacock wishes it to be known that he intends to continue in the same lines; Mr G. T. Johnson informs growers of fruit that after the present season he intends to carry on manufacturing jam in connection with his fruit and produce business under the style of Johnson, Brothers & Co. The Mercury (Hobart), 9 November 1869, p. 2.

[16] NSW Government Gazette, 25 July 1890, p. 5928. Registration of trade mark.

[17] Johnson Brothers acquired by H. Jones Evening News, 27 July 1910, p. 5 ‘New companies’. Brown, p. 96, states that the Henry Jones cooperative ‘formed a small jam manufacturing company called Johnson Brothers’ in 1910, but the evidence is clear that Johnson Brothers had been in operation long before this.


Wednesday, May 31, 2023

Annie Fawcett Story, 1888

 


Annie Fawcett Story, from The New Idea, 6 July 1903, p. 52.

Annie Fawcett Story arrived in Sydney with her husband, Wilson, and eight children in January 1882.[i] The details of Annie’s life before she came to Sydney are sketchy. From her own account she was both a trained and experienced cook, although not trained as a teacher. She was a graduate of the National Training School at South Kensington and had worked in a large catering firm in London under the guidance of ‘one of the best cooks in London at the time’.[ii]

Why the family should decide to travel to Australia is not recorded but it seems it was not necessarily her intention to become a teacher. Wilson took up employment as a hired broker and in October 1883 the Storys’ commenced a catering business.[iii] In March 1884 they filed for voluntary sequestration with debts of £1220.7.0. The business ran into trouble almost immediately so that by January 1884 the Story’s had ceased trading while they endeavoured to arrange finance and entered into negotiations to form a company and/or sell the business. In the interim Wilson also lost his position as a broker. It was the collapse of this enterprise, and possibly the breakdown of her marriage to Wilson, which prompted Annie to apply for the position of teacher of domestic economy and cookery at the Sydney Technical College when it was advertised in May 1884.[iv]

Annie was subsequently appointed to teach domestic economy at the Hurlstone College in 1886 and in 1888 she resigned from her position at the Technical College. [v] From now on she focused on the future of cookery and domestic economy in the public school system, but overall, 1888 was not a good year for Annie.

 

At the Exhibition of Women’s Industries

The Exhibition of Women’s Industries was the initiative of the wife of the governor of New South Wales, Lady Carrington. Held in the old exhibition buildings in Prince Alfred Park, Sydney, in October 1888, the event was intended as both a vehicle to raise money for the Queen’s Jubilee Fund for Distressed Women and an opportunity to display the variety of work performed by women. The aim of the display was to demonstrate ‘the standard of excellence to which [women] have attained in the several useful and ornamental arts to which they have devoted their attention’ with the object of also illustrating the ‘various methods by which women can earn their livelihood’.[vi] The Exhibition set out to both idealise and legitimise women’s work, which was divided across seven departments, needlework and lace, knitting, domestic industries (which included cookery and laundry work), mechanical work, educational, horticulture and floriculture and fine arts. Each division had its own committee who organised the display and set the rules for the competitions associated with their department. Each department was also represented by a delegate on the main organising committee.

Such an exhibition which set out to respect the often invisible work performed by women and highlight the contribution women could make to the paid workforce would appear to have offered an ideal platform for women such as Annie. As someone who was promoting domestic work as a worthy discipline, who was a champion of the legitimacy of domestic industry, and was committed to the education of women in domestic duties, Mrs Story might seem a logical inclusion in the team tasked with running the department of Domestic Industries. As a working woman, earning her own living and supporting a family, Annie might also welcome an initiative that represented paid work for women as an honourable endeavour which could act to diminish the ‘reproach which at present attaches to an educated woman who earns her bread’.vii]

As it happened however the Exhibition committees were not comprised of working women. Although intended to be representative of all women, the principal organisers were genteel ladies, wives of prominent men such as politicians, judges, merchants, and aldermen. The delegate for Domestic Industries was Mrs Carl Fischer, socialite, wife of a prominent businessman, and music and drama critic writing for the Sydney Morning Herald and Sydney Mail, who would later also edit the ladies’ page of the Sydney Mail.[viii] Mrs Fischer was supported by her daughter, Gertrude, who was appointed secretary to the division.

Mrs Fischer’s committee was also tasked with staging two demonstrations of cookery each week and with the running a working kitchen which supplied the refreshment rooms at the Exhibition, providing luncheons, tea, and both private and public dinners. Miss Ramsay Whiteside, who had been teacher at the first government school of cookery and was now giving private cooking lessons, was engaged to provide the demonstrations and Annie Fawcett Story was appointed to be the cookery superintendent in charge of the kitchen, with a Mrs Toohey as head cook. In this role, Annie was to coordinate a ‘staff of enthusiastic workers, who while thoroughly enjoying the bright side of life feel that pleasure in the ordinary acceptation of the word is not their chief good, and who are glad to contribute their share to the exhibition in a branch of work which many most erroneously consider beneath the attention of a gentlewoman.’[ix] Many of the women involved with manning the refreshment rooms were also involved in the cookery competitions and the ‘good things’ they produced there were ‘afterwards dispensed to parties in the dining room’.[x] The opening ceremony of the Exhibition was held on Wednesday, 3 October.[xi] Before the end of the first week Annie had resigned from her position.

For various reasons the structure of the Exhibition of Women’s Industries (combining displays, the sale of goods and competition) had been criticised from the very beginning.[xii] Once it was underway the fault finding continued. In a report published the day after the opening, the Evening News claimed that the enterprise as a whole ‘seems to be less an exhibition of women’s industry than of women’s vanity and snobbery’ and went on to elaborate:

It is evident from the moment the project–in itself a laudable one–was mooted, it was fastened on to by society hangers-on as a medium for the exercise of cheap benevolence; and accordingly we have a whole troop of Darling Point and other fashionable dames and damsels masquerading as philanthropists in the character of amateur shopkeepers.[xiii]

The paper scoffed that whole undertaking ‘has been selfishly monopolised by society butterflies of the most pronounced jingo breed’ and derided it as ‘a movement not so much for the benefit of deserving poor women as for the glorification of undeserving rich ones.’

The following Tuesday a letter to the editor, from an anonymous writer complained of disorder, discord and discontent, concerts without programmes, a lack of chairs, a bewildering catalogue and ‘dinners that are uneatable’.[xiv] The next day, Wednesday 10 October, the Evening News reported a rumour concerning a dinner held in conjunction with the Exhibition under the headline:

AMATEUR COOKS AND COOKERY 
FAILURE OF A DINNER
MISMANAGEMENT AND RESIGNATIONS[xv]

The article claimed the cook and her assistants were all ‘distinguished members of society’, as were the guests, but the dinner was ‘so badly cooked that the guests could not eat it, and went to their homes hungry’. The writer supported the veracity of this gossip by publishing a copy of Annie’s letter, dated October 9, announcing and justifying her resignation, which was also printed in full in the Daily Telegraph

Sir, Will you allow me as a public servant to explain to the public my reasons for withdrawing from the superintendence of the Cookery Department at the Women’s Industrial Exhibition. Under the system in force I saw no chance of giving satisfaction to customers, justice to competitors, advantage to the fund, or of furthering and elevating the art of cookery. The probable reverse of these pleasant results of very arduous labor was, however, plainly visible, and still more patent was the fact that I could not retain my position together with a shred of dignity or self-respect. To an amateur playing at work these things matter nothing once the exhibition is over, but to a worker of my professional status they become of serious importance and their effect remains.
Having foolishly allowed myself to be placed in a false position under amateur managers, I abandoned it when it became untenable and intolerable.[xvi]

That Annie felt it was necessary to emphatically and publicly explain her actions is testament to how invidious she felt her position to be. 

Aside from openly reproving the organising committee for their amateurism and incompetence and accusing them of injustice to the competitors, by specifically drawing attention to the gulf between women playing at being workers and women who regarded themselves as professionals, she undermined the whole premise of the Exhibition.[xvii] As someone who, by her own admission, never expected to have to earn her own living and was reputedly ‘contemptuous of colonial ways’ it is easy to imagine that Annie found dealing with the untrained society ladies of Sydney’s ‘uppertendum’ galling and ‘intolerable’.[xviii] There is no record of how this very public condemnation of the Exhibition by someone who had been directly involved was received by the organising committee, although it can hardly have been welcome.

 

While publicly Annie was defending her professional status, in private she faced the challenge of caring and providing for her still young family. Perhaps anxiety over her financial situation helped to make her especially sensitive to any tarnishing of her public reputation. While weathering the turmoil of the Exhibition she was also being chased around Sydney by collectors trying to serve her with a bankruptcy notice for debts of £386.6.2.[xix] Annie owed money to a number of businesses as well as to friends and colleagues, including Mr S. H. Martin, her soon to be son-in-law, Edward Betts, the superintendent of the Gladesville asylum, L. Henry, of the Technical College Pitt Street, and Mr H. D. Portus, of the Newcastle Steam Ship Company, father of her protégés Mabel and Eva Portus whom she had trained at the Technical College.[xx] To have been extended so much credit, Annie was either very well regarded or very persuasive. Nonetheless she was not keen to take responsibility for her debts and although the bankruptcy notice was issued on 13 October it was not served until sometime in November. 

 

Annie continued with the Department of Public Instruction in New South Wales for another seven years, establishing the curriculum for cookery education in the public school system, training teachers of cookery and battling with the male dominated bureaucracy, which is a whole other saga. Finally retiring due to ill health at the end of 1895, she then took her vision for cookery education to Victoria where she was engaged by the Department of Education from 1898 until 1903. In December of that year, she sailed for South Africa to join other members of her family.[xxi] Annie Fawcett Story died in Cape Town on 11 February 1911.[xxii]



[i] Sheila Tilse, 'Story, Ann Fawcett (1846–1911)', Australian Dictionary of Biography, National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, https://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/story-ann-fawcett-8688. The manifest for the Forfarshire (http://marinersandships.com.au/1882/01/061for.htm) lists Wilson F. Storey, 40, farrier and cleaner; Annie 35; Fanny 11; Philip 8; Edith 7; Harold 6; Cecil 5; Mark 4; Dorothea 2; and Magdaline 13. The family surname is regularly spelt both Storey and Story. Annie herself spelt her surname without the ‘e’.

[ii] Daily Telegraph, 10 January 1891, p. 5, ‘Practical Cookery. A chat with Mrs Fawcett Storey’; Argus (Melb.), 23 March 1899, p. 7, ‘A National System of Cookery. An interview with Mrs Fawcett Story’.

[iii] Museums of History NSW-State Archives (hereafter MHNSW-St. Ac.) NRS-13654-1-[2/10053]-18651. STORY, WILSON FAUCETT (Insolvency Index).

[iv] Sydney Morning Herald (hereafter, SMH) 9 May 1884, p. 10. The fate of Wilson Story is unclear.

[v] MHNSW-St. Ac., NRS 4073: Teacher’s Rolls, 1869-1908, Storey, A. H., reel 1993, roll 3, p. 44.

[vi] SMH, 1 October 1888, p. 8. ‘Exhibition of Women’s Industries’; Sydney Mail and NSW Advertiser, 6 October 1888, p. 713. 

[vii] SMH, 25 August 1888, p. 2, ‘The Exhibition of Women’s Industries’. 

[viii] Patricia Clarke, Pen Portraitswomen writers and journalists in nineteenth century Australia (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1988) pp. 116-118. 

[ix] Daily Telegraph (Syd.), 15 September 1888, p. 5 ‘Exhibition of Women’s Industries’.

 

[x] Daily Telegraph, 5 October 1888, p. 5 ‘The Women’s Exhibition’. SMH 23 October 1888, p. 2, advertising meals at the exhibition, table d’hote served 1 to 2.30 pm; high tea from 5.30 to 7 pm, private dinners by special arrangement at 24 hours notice.

[xi] Daily Telegraph, 3 October 1888, p. 5. ‘The Women’s Exhibition. Opening Day.’ 

[xii] For a thorough scholarly discussion of the Exhibition of Women’s Industries see Martha Sear, ‘Unworded Proclamations: Exhibitions of Women’s Work in Colonial Australia’, PhD thesis, University of Sydney, 2000.

[xiii] Evening News (Syd.), 4 October 1888, p. 4. ‘The Women’s Industrial Exhibition’.

 

[xiv] Daily Telegraph, 9 October 1888, p. 6. 

[xv] Evening News, 10 October 1888, p. 5 ‘Women’s Industrial Exhibition’. 

[xvi] Daily Telegraph, 10 October 1888, p. 6.

 

[xvii] See Lady Darley’s opening address, SMH, 3 October 1888, p. 6.

[xviii] Never intended to earn own living, MHNSW-St. Ac., NRS 3230, Education Department Files, 20/12605, Cookery 1882-1892, Annie Fawcett Story to Undersecretary, 18 August 1892; contemptuous of colonial ways, NRS 3230, 20/12605, report by Mrs Edgeworth David, examiner in domestic economy, March 1888; ‘Uppertendum’ Evening News, 11 October 1888, p. 4 ‘The Failure in the Park’.

[xix] MHNSW-St. Ac., NRS -13655-1-[10/22553]-961 (Bankruptcy Index), Storey, Annie Fawcett. File no. 961, date of sequestration 28.02.1889. Place Neutral Bay.

[xx] Sam H. Martin married Magdalene Story, SMH, 9 February 1889, p. 1. 

[xxi] Arena-Sun (Melb.), 19 December 1903, p. 3. Her daughter Fanny and Dorothea had already left for South Africa, SMH, 9 April 1903, p. 9. It is likely other members of her family were also already in Africa, Annie’s son Mark drowned in the Zambesi River, SMH, 23 January 1912, p. 8.

[xxii] Died of tuberculosis 11 February 1911, SMH, 28 March 1911, p. 8.